It should also have been better organized, and the guidelines better enforced. She says that there are many buildings like the house opposite hers, where two extra storeys that block her view have been add- ed. She thinks that, ultimately, the neighborhood will look exactly like old Fara- dis because nothing has been done apart from planning, and because the mentali- ty of the inhabitants has not changed. In her opinion the inhabitants do not adapt to the requirements of formal planning or the modern way of life. Nonetheless, her house is built next to that of her brother- in-law on a shared lot.
This is particularly inconvenient for her because her brother-in-law is a very religious man, and as she says, according to custom they are not encourged to talk to each other. She accepts the situation and is not of- fended, but her dissatisfaction is evident in the way she describes the alterations she would have made to increase her privacy, had she had more control over the design of her house. When she finished high school she went to Jerusalem to study law at the Hebrew University, and later lived for three years in the UK, attempting to leave behind the suffocating tradition.
The separation from the family gave the young couple greater control over family visits and more independence. As Amal says, living in Zi- chron Yaacov allowed her to escape criticism about her function as a mother and a housewife. Unlike her parents who raised seven children, Amal wants a small family. As a young professional woman, she is building both her family and her career. But she is experiencing two kinds of difficulties.
As a female lawyer in a male- dominated religious society, it is difficult for her to advance her career, and the criticism of her husband's family does not help. It allowed her to construct her own identity without family ties and social pressures. They would have liked to stay in Zichron Yaacov, but buying property in a Jewish town was difficult for an Arab couple. The move to Givat Faradis has enabled them to continue to live apart from their family, even though family pressures and involvement still exist.
Thus, living in their own house is certainly nicer than being cramped in a small rented apartment, but Amal still yearns for their time in Zichron Yaacov. The new neighborhood has created more housing opportunities in Faradis and thus allowed partial separation from the hamula extended family. Amal is grateful for that. However, by encouraging families and relatives to share a lot, extended families do own and build together, thereby actually maintaining the patrilocal status quo.
This supports claims that the State of Israel actively pre- serving the traditional Palestinian societal structure Lustick , Rosenfeld , which, as Manar Hasan argues, encourages traditional mores in the Palestinian society that affect especially women. Amal, however, sees the State of Israel, or at least its culture, as a positive influence on the Palestinian society.
She disapproves of the traditional Arab costumes, and seems to favor the westerniz- ing effect of Jewish settlements on the Arab town. She would prefer Faradis to be like a Jewish settlement. For her, living in Givat Faradis — so similar yet so different from Givat Eden across the ravine — is a way of becoming like the Jews in general and those of Zichron Yaacov in particular.
The typology of detached or semi-detached houses promoted by the BYOH scheme focuses on the private home and pushes women deeper into their traditional domestic role. As widely argued by Wright , Silverstone and others, suburbia has created separate spheres for men and women, in which the home insulates middle-class women against the hazards of city life, and consigns them to the maintenance of domesticity. Herzog , for example, argues that mixed town, and especially metropolitan cities like Haifa and Jaffa, while obviously featuring some disadvantages for Palestinian residents, offer women space of choice away from the pressure of their kinship and traditional communities.
Herzog shows how women living in these cities enjoy less social control and broader individual and social freedom. Despite other writings that see the sub- urbs as potential arenas for diversity and difference e. Dowling , Givat Faradis, adopting Jewish middle-class suburban norms, can hardly be seen as enabling Palestinian women in Israel an escape route from tradition.
Could it accommodate single mothers, gay couples, or divorcees? Her oldest daughter is married and lives in Faradis, and her second daughter is about to wed. Since she moved to Givat faradis she has worked as a domestic helper in Zichron Yaacov. Her house on the northern slope faces the hills. It is one of two houses on a square meters lot intended for four nuclear families. Each house has two-storeys and is intended for two families, each with a separate entrance. The other house is owned by a nephew and a niece, and is connected to hers by a shared covered parking area.
The steps are grandiose, but the house itself is modest — square meters on a single level. From an entrance hall one enters a kitchen to the right and a living room to the left, with a den and three bedrooms at the rear. Samira is happy with the layout, especially with the balco- ny because there was no outdoor space in her previous home.
Her husband, the youngest son, lived with his parents as the inheritor of the family house and she, as his wife, was expected to move in with him. She had no property of her own. Abou-Tabickh maintains that differential inheritance makes men the sole inheritors of land and private property. This, she argues, not only forces women to live with their husband's family, but also deprives them of their legal rights. She says the hardest thing was the constant inter- ference by relatives. Now that they have their own place her husband stays home and invites his friends over.
Samira feels that the main benefit and her most important achievement since the move to Givat Faradis is the fact that after many years of being a housewife, she got a job. Even though her husband objects and sees her work as a domestic help in Zichron Yaacov a disgrace, her job allows Samira a degree of economic independence.
Most importantly, as a working woman she feels she can provide better for her children and gain their respect. It relieves the pressure in the house. The children help. My daughter, for example, prepares the food so when I get back from work I can rest. She has to stand up to her husband and defend her rights and autonomy, especially in regard to her job. She considers her new autonomy as directly related to the move to the new neighborhood. Givat Faradis has given her new opportunities that had not existed in the old town. Thus, even though housing arrangements still maintain patrilocal residence with extended families, Givat Faradis makes room for change, enabling Samira to insist on control over her life and gain autonomy.
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Yet, regardless of her hard-gained achievement, she sadly admits that her daughters' future will probably be similar to hers. They are getting married with no professional education, although she has tried to convince them otherwise. It can be argued that Samira, like Amal, shows some sings of personal agency in her insistence on gaining economic independence. The gen- dered character of these various regimes assimilates them and facilitates collabo- rations, as Hasan also shows.
But the change is not merely in living conditions. The two women clearly state that, like the Jews, they want and deserve to live in a neighborhood that is well taken care of. Distancing too is seen as an opportunity for change. Thus, adopting the formal planning provided by the State is, for these women, a form of passive resistance to their own world. Whereas Faradis symbolizes the old-fashioned, patriarchal Arab world, Givat Faradis symbolizes progress and liberation.
With its wide streets and large houses, Givat Faradis is an alternative to the traditional space of Faradis. This hybridization imitates the modern archi- tectural codes and western values of the Israeli planning system while maintain- ing the Palestinian aesthetic. However, Givat Faradis can also be seen as a way to preserve the traditional structure of the Arab society. Hasan suggested that the traditional values of the Arabs in Israel have been supported by the state for its own political rea- sons. Rosenfeld also argued that the Israeli govern- ment has supported patriarchal leadership for its own benefit, to maintain the traditional structure of Arab society.
Lustick pointed out similar govern- mental strategies of control, as did Eyal Thus, a new neighborhood con- structed in accordance with traditional patterns could be seen as a way of main- taining traditional mores in a modern setting. As the women themselves maintain, with all its advantages, Givat Faradis is not enough to bring about real change. They think that a new neighborhood cannot solve the deeper problems of the Arab society, even though it alleviates the hardships of daily existence.
Amal and Samira feel that nothing has really changed - a better quality of life and nicer homes might even be simply another way of trapping women in their domestic space. Eventually, they say, Givat Faradis will become like old Faradis. Regardless of their criticisms and comparisons with the Jewish sector, nei- ther Amal nor Samira or other people with whom we talked have any doubt about their national identity.
As other researchers have noted e. They feel, however that, as citizens, they do not receive the same rights as the Jewish population, and believe that, as Israelis, they deserve equal rights in all spheres of life. Those events exposed the ongoing discrimination against Palestinian citizens of Israel, creating a crucial identity crisis of disillusion Rouhana and Ghanem , Yiftachel Amid the widening schisms within Israeli society Peres and Ben-Rafael and, in particular, a growing awareness of their Palestinian identity, many young Israeli Palestinians could no longer tolerate the ongoing discrimination.
Palestinian Israelis joined the Palestinian struggle in the Occupied Territories. In October , demonstrations and protests broke out all over the country, and main roads and highways near to Arab towns were closed, including Highway 4 at Faradis.
Israeli policemen, using force considered inappropriate, were responsible for the death of 13 Israeli Palestinians, creating despair and frustration amongst Arabs and Jews alike Rabinowitz and Abu Baker Rather, they were the expression of a crisis that has been building up since the peace process began, locating the Pales- tinians in Israel as marginal to both Israeli society and the Palestinian national movement. The situation has been aggravated by the second Intifada, causing many Israeli Arabs to belatedly rediscover their Palestinian identity.
Although as a residential environment Givat Faradis is less politically visible, it is, nonetheless, a mode of resistance through participation Bhabha , challenging the social, economic, and spatial exclusion of Palestinians in Israel. However, the women we talked to, although proud of their Palestinian her- itage, see their personal identity as divorced from the ethno-national conflict. These women struggle to become part of the Israeli society and to secure what they are entitled to as citizens with equal rights.
But, sadly, their conflicted status as Palestinian women living in patriarchal society limits their aspirations. Their marginalization, shaped by structural tensions between the family, the state, and the ethno-national community, limits their rights to land and housing. Their subordination is ruled by societal norms, but is further reinforced by state prac- tices, which supports the patriarchal culture that denies them freedom and equali- ty. Furthermore, the women of Givat Faradis are also restricted by their own middle-class aspirations and their attempts to imitate prevailing western Jewish residential patterns.
This dialectic, especially for Israeli-Palestinians, in- volves dilemmas about formal planning. The pros of planned infrastructure and long-desired residential comfort; and the cons such as concessions of private land and zoning enforcement, underline the conflict between the State and its Palestinian citizens.
It promotes the sanctity of privacy, of large, detached subur- ban homes that are often questioned in terms of gender benefits see for example England But are these adjustments actually beneficial for women? As in any BYOH neighborhood, the residents of Givat Faradis can build their own houses, but only according to strict building and design parameters. But, unlike similar Jewish settlements, Givat Faradis adheres to the patrilocal convention, allowing extended families to share a lot and thereby maintain their socio-cultural tradition.
How does that help women in their dual trap as Palestin- ian citizens of a Jewish state and as women in a Palestinian peripheral society? Amal, a modern professional woman living next to her brother-in-law, with whom she cannot communicate, is an example of this repressive residential pat- tern.
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Furthermore, the housing typology of the BYOH scheme, although consid- erably denser in Givat Faradis than in similar Jewish developments, sanctifies the private home and pushes women deeper into traditional roles, even though the new neighborhood has enabled the women to distance themselves from their extended families.
As in the case of Samira, the liberating nature of Givat Fara- dis allows women more privacy and a sense of independence. But, both Amal and Samira are located in a structurally contradictory place that causes them to suffer multiple oppressions by various regimes; the family, the state, and the ethno-national community. Nevertheless, despite, and perhaps because of the nature of these contradictory regimes, both of them achieve some degree of per- sonal agency that allows them considerable freedom.
But the attempt to imitate prevailing western Jewish residential patterns keeps the women we talked to in traditional gender roles.
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